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S P E E O H 


OF THE 


J 

HON. JOHN Jf CRITTENDEN, 





ON THE EVENING OF AUGUST 2, 1860. 


PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 

]¥ATIO]VAIi UNION EXECUTIVE COHIIITTEE, 

A WASEimTON, D, 0. 


WASHINGTON, D. C. 
WILLIAM H. MOORE, PRINTER. 

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I 


SPEECH 


OF THE 


HON. JOHN J. GKIITENHEN, 


iL.oxjis-v'zr^iL.E, 


ON THE EVENING OF AUGUST 2 , 1860 . 

Mr. Crittenden said: It is thought, ladies and gentlemen, and I 
hope it may be so, that without the formality of an introduction I 
may venture to address myself to you as one who is not altogether 
unknown in this city. It is by an urgent request, fellow-citizens, 
that I obtrude.myself on your attentiou on this occasion. I do not 
seek opportunities of speaking—it has become rather irksome, and 
although compelled to observe the course of politics aiid take an 
interest in them, it is a subject on which I have long since been 
fully satisfied. I am no orator, nor have I any pretentions to advise 
you, but I have no opinions that I care to conceal, and when it is 
the wish and pleasure of my countrymen to hear me on any subject 
of public concern, I feel some difiB.culty in refusing comjdiance. 
It is in obedience to such a request that I now appear before you 
for the purpose of addressing you on a subject with which, I am 
sure, you are already quite familiar. 

The political occurrences of our time have been of a character to 
strike so deeply into the public mind that there is scarce one so 
unobservant as not to be familiar with them. I fear that I can say 
nothing calculated either to interest or to instruct you. 

Fellow-citizens, great questions are now pending, and great events 
depend upon their issue. A Presidential election always involves, 
to no inconsiderable extent, the public welfare andThe progress of 
our Government; and the importance of the struggle increases in 
proportion to the character of the times, and the character of the 
questions depending before the people at the moment. Perhaps 
there has been no time past when questions of a more critical char¬ 
acter were depending than those which are now ^fore the people. 


You have before you a variety of candidates unknown on any former 
occasion, and these are, to some extent, brought before you by the 
variety and interest of the questions involved. I have it particu¬ 
larly at heart to make known to you the principles of this new 
party which has recently sprung into existence, and which has 
placed before you its candidates for your judgment and election— 
I mean, of course, the Coiistitutional Union Party, and their can¬ 
didates, Bell and Everett.—(Cheers.) 

Fellow-citizens, it was a high public necessity, a great exigency 
in public affairs, that forced , this party into existence. What, last 
winter, was the state of our country? Two great parties seemed to 
occupy the whole country. There was no other of sufficient im¬ 
portance to attract the least public attention. Those parties were 
sweeping or in a fierce contention that involved every public inter¬ 
est on one side or the other. A\^hat was the character of the ques¬ 
tion, what was the subject about which those great parties were 
marshalling their hosts and preparing for a great encounter in the 
approaching Presidential election? One of those parties was the 
"Democratic, and the other the Kepublican party. The question 
debated before them, was that most exciting of all questions—the 
question of slavery. This was conducted between them not with 
the temperance that marks the discussion and settlement of ordi¬ 
nary political questions, but with the fierceness of enemies; and 
the question involved not merely the fate of parties, but the fate of 
the country. Union and Disunion were involved in the question. 
What good could possibly come of such a contest? There was 
danger enough in it, but no good to the countr}^ could be hoped 
for. The one party must necessarily be conqueror, -and the other 
be trampled into the dust. Victory to the one was proscription to 
the other, which threatened by resistance and force of arms to 
oppose the exercise of the powers of government. This was the 
prospect. There were thousands of men everywhere who looked 
with concern, and, I may say,,apprehension and awe, to the result 
of such a contest. What should they do? To join one or the other 
of these parties was to mingle in the conflict and in the evil. The 
only way was to stand forth like men and form another party; to 
form a party for the country; to form a party that would stand be¬ 
tween these two hostile parties and prevent, as far as possible^ any 
collision between them which might prove dangerous to the coun¬ 
try; and, if it could not succeed, if it should even be scattered be¬ 
tween the opposing hosts of sectionalism in their mighty conflict, it 
would yet break the shock of the encounter, and save the country. 
It might be that the presence of such a party appearing in the field 
of contest-—calm, patriotic, with suitable and proper representatives 
at its head—would make such an appeal to the sense and patriotic 
feeling of the country as would draw aside these combatants—draw 
them to a patriotic standard, and unite them together and govern 
the country. This was the object and expectation. It was with 
these purposes and upon these principles that this Union party 
sprang into existence and took its place amid the contests of the 



partizans. (Applause.) It took its stand between the Democratic 
and Republican parties. What was the basis upon which it pre¬ 
sented itself? It came on no artificial platform. It came with no 
studied creed. It came upon a great and high principle. In this 
simple language it was expressed: “The Constitution, the Union, 
and the Enforcement of the Laws.” (Immense cheering.) 

These are our principles. We want no platform to captivate or 
ensnare men. We appeal to them upon the simple principles of 
patriotism and of self-preservation for their glory and the glory of 
our land. (Applause.) These are our principles; here are our pur¬ 
poses: To maintain the Constitution which our fathers gave us; to 
maintain the Union which existed anterior to the Constitution, and 
which was only confirmed and sanctioned by the Constitution to 
enforce the laws of our country everywhere. (Applause.) All can 
understand this. It is a plain enunciation of principles. ISTo subtle 
discriminations, no dubious resolutions, no ad captandum phrases, 
no creeds proclaimed to bind the hearts and blind the judgments of 
men, but principles inherent in the government and common among 
all the people—“the Union, the Constitution, and the Laws.” (Great 
applause.) 

Here is a ground broad enough for you all to stand upon. We 
come with no old party feuds and accusations. We come as a new 
party—a party drawing its strength from the Constitution. It has 
sprung from the bosom of that necessity which seemed to require 
and demand its interposition for the safety of the countij. It came 
with no accusations, no denunciations. It came as a peace-maker 
to take its stand upon our own native land, and to implore our 
brethren of all political parties to cease that destructive struggle in 
which they seemed about to engage, and to spare their country. 
We came to make a party for the country; there were parties 
enough striving for their own interests. We wanted a party to 
strive for the interests of the country and the whole country. (Ap¬ 
plause.) We nominated candidates; thej’ are before us. You 
know their characters. Men of tried integrity; men of age and 
experience; men practised in the government for long periods of 
their lives, and in every branch of it, as Senators, Members of the 
House of Representatives, as Ministers in the Cabinet, as Foreign 
Ministers. In all these varied capacities those two gentlemen have 
officiated, and where are there two men in our country who have 
come out of these trials with characters more unblemished than 
theirs. (Prolonged applause.) Who questions their integrity? 
You have heard none make a question of it. 

What is the language employed by the great parties with respect 
to all the other candidates? I will not repeat it. There is hardly 
any term of reproach spared them. These other gentlemen stand 
up in their solitary integrity and purity of character unsullied and 
unquestioned. (Immense applause.) They come with the Consti¬ 
tution in their hands. They come imploring their brethren to for¬ 
give each other, to lay aside their hostilities, to cease those fierce 
broils that are alienating section from section and men from men. 


6 


Let us joiu bands and be one nation, one great and happy nation. 
(Applause.) This is the appeal they make to the American people. 
For itself, the party claims nothing but the character of a mediator, 
entertaining and cherishing the kindest and most fraternal feelings 
towards all. This is the character in which it presents itself. I 
have not, I think, overdrawn its features. I think our party and 
its candidates deserve all I have said. Compare them with the 
competitors that are now engaged in fierce contest before you. If 
Bell and Everett succeed, what is to be the consequence of their 
administration ? Does it not of necessity bring together all parties ? 
How can they, being elected by men from all parties, coming to¬ 
gether a mighty host of voters, help saving their country ? (Cheers.) 
It will be a triumph of the country, not the triumph of a party. 
(Applause.) Who have the Union men to exercise any vengeance 
upon ? Who have they accused ? Who have they denounced ? As 
individuals they have their opinions and feelings with respect to all 
passing public measures and to all present public meu, but as a 
party they are but of yesterday, brought into existence by the coun¬ 
try’s exigencies, and for the country’s preservation. They come as 
a peacemaker—as a mediator. They have no vengenace to wreak 
upon any one. Their victory and their triumph shall be the tri¬ 
umph and security of all. (Enthusiastic applause.) This is a vic¬ 
tory worth winning. In almost all victories that are gained in civil 
conflicts, there is as much cause to mourn as to rejoice. If there is 
one victor there is one conquered man upon whom he treads, and 
our sympathies are divided between the conqueror and the prostrate 
man. Ours is a victory free from all such tarnishing reflections. 
It is one of pure exultation in our country’s triumph and in our 
country’s good. (Cheers.) 

Look at the other parties and see what must be the consequence 
of their victory.' Suppose the Republicans succeed, what then? 
Mr. Lincoln may be a very worthy, upright, and^honest man. He 
married a Kentucky girl, and that is a wholesome influence. (Laughter 
and applause.) I am told he is a Kentuckian himself, which is an¬ 
other salutary fact. Mr. Lincoln may be a very honest, worthy 
man; but, in a political point of view, he must be regarded as the 
representative of the party that has made him its leader. He is 
the Republican leader; and, like all political leaders, he must obey 
the party that brought him into existence or be put down and 
crusbed. out by it. He must be governed by the political influence 
and voice of his party. Mr. Lincoln is at the head of the great 
anti-slavery party, a purely sectional party, which, according to all 
its antecedents, threatens the existence of slavery everywhere ; and 
the apprehension which this threat excites, is increased by the fact, 
that although the leaders and wise men of that party may not pro¬ 
claim such sentiments, there are enough among them in their camp 
who do hold and proclaim such Abolition doctrines as must make 
every man South feel uneasy in his condition and in his property. 
The naere fact of Mr. Lincoln’s election would be, therefore, a great 
calamity to the country, though ho never should do an act posi- 


tively oftensive or injurious to any interest of the country. His 
election would create and continue an alarm that would keep the 
country agitated and unhappy, if not create an opposition and re¬ 
sistance to the government itself. It is greatly to be desired that 
he should not be elected. It is hardly necessary to say that we 
should be forced to apprehend from Mr. Lincoln’s election that the 
impulse which the anti-slavery feeling would receive therefrom 
would go further than it has yet gone, and create still greater dan¬ 
gers to the peace and security of the South. This pervading appre¬ 
hension would necessarily make his election a great calamity. It 
therefore enters into no competition with the election of Messrs. 
Bell and Everett on the score of beneficence. From them there is 
nothing to be looked for but peace and security, with all the sanc¬ 
tion that a manly, brave, and determined Administration can give 
to both. (Applause.) 

Mr. Douglas and his party come next. You all know, as well as 
I do, of the rupture that has taken place in the Democratic party, 
and in its convention assembled for the purpose of nominating can¬ 
didates for the Presidency. It divided—one party seceded. Mr. 
Douglas’ numerous adherents assembled and nominated him, and 
the seceders went to a neighboring house and made a nomination. 
That nomination fell upon a citizen of our own State—Ylr. John 
C. Breckinridge. 

How, what is to be apprehended from Mr. Douglas, if he is elected 
President? Would not the Breckinridge men continue to make 
war upon him ? Would not the liepublicans continue to make war 
upon him ; and, irritated by a common defeat, would they not be 
apt to form an alliance against the successful rival who had suc¬ 
ceeded to the Presidency? Yes, Mr. Douglas would be in a very 
difficult situation in administering the Government without the 
support and maintenance to the task. I know Mr. Douglas very 
well, ladies and gentlemen. From Mr. Douglas personally, I should 
apprehend no danger. I have never been a Democrat, as you all 
know. (Applause.) A frank, fair, and honest opponent of the 
Democratic party, I have ever been found acting upon Whig prin¬ 
ciples from the first to the last. (Increased applause.) But I have 
known Mr. Douglas in the public councils, and have acted with 
him. Although generally opposed, and especially upon party ques¬ 
tions, we have at times acted together, and particularly upon one 
momentous occasion, when we acted together in opposition to that 
infamous Lecompton Constitution. (Deafening applause.) Mr. 
Douglas was there making a great sacrifice to his sense of duty. 
(Applause.) He was sacrificing his connection, on that occasion, 
with many old political friends; he was breaking up the relations 
of* a long political fife; he was sacrificing as flattering prospects for 
the highest office of the Government as any man in the country 
had. I fully believe he did what he conceived to be his duty; and, 
in defiance of all opposition, the rack of the President, offended 
friends, and open foes, he acted like a man. (Tremendous cheer¬ 
ing.) He might have been mistaken in what he did, but that little 


8 


diminished the value of the act. He thought he was right, and he 
knew he was making a sacrifice, and he was capable of making it, 
when he believed the interests of his country demanded it. (Cheers.) 
I can have no quarrel with him ; he is a Union man. (Cheers.) 
And a Union man I can always trust, when I believe him to be 
sincere and in earnest, as I believe Douglas to be. (Continued, ap¬ 
plause.) 

But still this is not the question. Mr. Douglas represents an old 
party, at feud, in the first instance, with the Republican party, call¬ 
ing forth its bitterest opposition, and now at feud with the Southern 
wing of his own party that has rejected him for another. His would 
be an administration of continual conflict. The country could hope 
for no restoration of peace and good government. He therefore 
ought not to be preferred, in my judgment, to Bell and Everett. 
(Cheers.) I have spoken not to compliment Mr. Douglas merely; 
I have spoken because I desire to give my testimony to his truth. 
I believe Mr. Douglas to be a patriot, and I know him to be a 
Union man by all the evidences that one public man can give another 
of his sentiments. (Applause.) He is a generous, bold man, speak¬ 
ing what he thinks, and doing what he knows to be right. (Re¬ 
peated applause.) But I am opposed to Mr. Douglas. I am for 
Bell and Everett. (Immense applause.) 

We are now left only to compare Mr. Bell with the third candi¬ 
date who stands in opposition—Mr. Breckinridge. And here again, 
as in respect to Mr. Douglas, my objection is not to the candidate 
as an individual. I should hope that Mr. Breckinridge was not a 
disunion man. (A voice : Yes, he is.) He ought not to be. He 
belongs to a tribe of faithful, devoted Union men—the tribe of 
Kentuckisfns. (Great applause.) He must have been seduced away 
from the path of his duty, far from the path in which all the im¬ 
pulses of his blood ought to carry him, if he has become a dis- 
unionist. But Mr. Breckinridge has made himself- the head of a 
party. He is part and parcel of the present purposes of that party; 
and, as in the case of Mr. Lincoln, we must judge of his public 
course by the party that he consents to represent. 

Who are they ? There is not a disunionist south of Mason and 
Dixon’s line that I know of who does not belong to that part 3 \ 
(Applause.) We have for a long time heard mutterings of disunion 
in the South—more than mutterings—more than the whispering 
of such sentiments. We have seen them proclaimed by high men 
in high places. We have seen conventions assemble for fhe pur¬ 
pose of promoting the cause of disunion. We have seen it first as¬ 
sume the character and name of nullification—the State claiming 
the right to annul the laws passed by the whole people of the Uni¬ 
ted States; to annul acts of Congress—and from that day to this 
we have seen it assuming one form and another form, one face and 
another, one pretext and another, by this man and by that man, 
by conventions assembled for the purpose, by open negotiations 
carried on between the States, and by public declarations that the 
movement was postponed because not enough States in the South 


9 


could be got to go into the enterprise to make it successful. We 
have seen all these evidences of a spirit of disunion. It is not ma¬ 
terial to say now from what causes this spirit has sprung; but let 
me for a single moment allude to this subject. Why are they for 
a dissolution of the Union ? What harm has this Union done ? 
Wrongs may have been done individuals. They may have received 
wrongs by unjust legislation upon the part of Congress. Our great 
men may not have had their fair share of public honors from the 
hands of the President. They may have received wrongs of this 
sort, but is the Union the author of such wrongs? What is the 
remedy which must be sought ? It is to turn out of their places in 
the proper constitutional mode those who have mis-administered 
the government. The government has done no wrong. The Con¬ 
stitution and the Union have done no wrong. They command 
equal justice to be done to every man and every State and every 
section. Their agents may have disobeyed their injunctions, and 
everything may have been done wrong through individuals, but 
individuals are amenable. What remedy would the destruction of 
the Constitution aflbrd ? Could they get out of the ruins indemnity 
for the wrongs on account of which they would tear it down ? 
Could it give any satisfaction? Could it make any atonement? 
Ho. And yet by some strange perversity or other their minds 
have been brought to look upon disunion as a remedy for political 
wrongs. It has caused none of them ; the destruction of it would 
be a remedy for none, but the greatest of all evils to the people of 
the United States. 

Others have taken a different view of it. They look with disaf¬ 
fection towards the Union, and openly avow it. The ultra Southern 
States participate in this feeling, and Senators in Congress, men, I 
know, of character and reputation, espouse the same fatal cause. 
This is the party of which we may entertain apprehensions that it 
will effect the dismemberment of the government. Many of its 
members are noble-spirited gentlemen. -It is only upon this one 
subject they have been misled or have misled themselves. They 
have been betrayed into this delusion. In all other respects they 
are generous and of high characters, but the spirit of disunion pre¬ 
vails among them, and it is only the more dangerous when enter¬ 
tained by such men. They openly talk about it; they write about 
it; they invite it. They have rocked themselves into the belief 
that the Government must be dissolved. They want to meet the 
iinagined necessity at once; they want to dissolve the Union im¬ 
mediately, to precipitate the people into it. The people are not so 
far-seeing as they are. The leaders anticipate overt acts on the 
part of the Kepublicans, and want now to effect a revolution in the 
cotton States, and establish a new government. These sentiments 
pervade the South and make up the body and soul of the party 
which has nominated our fellow-citizen, Mr. Breckinridge, as its 
candidate for the Presidency. Is there no danger that by electing 
him you would give new energy to that destructive impulse, and 
new power to this disunion sentiment, and to the cause of disunion ? 


10 


Mr. Breckinridge himself follows in tlie lead. He is part and parcel 
of the great party. You see this by his nomination and acceptance 
of it, and can hence foresee with clearness the disasters that would 
follow this success. Possibly it may be the policy of those who 
nominated him to unite Old Kentucky to this new Confederacy. 
Old Kentucky is quite an important State in this Union. (Ap¬ 
plause.) She is in the heart of it—she is the heart of it. (Immense 
enthusiasm.) To obtain her concurrence is of the greatest possible 
consequence to those who fancy that they can make a Republic in 
the South more glorious and more prosperous than* the great Re¬ 
public of which we now form a part. Such have been their plans 
for a long time. Kentucky and Tennessee, which old General 
Gaines called the two military States of the Union, have lain in the 
way of that sort of treachery to the Union. (Long and loud ap¬ 
plause.) They are two States not easily overcome, and though I 
would not wish to diminish the honor of Mr. Breckinridge’s nomi¬ 
nation, as he himself conceives it, yet I imagine there are thousands 
in the South who would go for Mr. Breckinridge mainly in the 
hope that it might be the means of annexing Kentucky as a sort of 
frontier province to this Southern Republic of Cotton States that is 
to be made. (Cheers and laughter.) * If they can bring about that 
union, if they can bring over old Kentucky and make her an ally 
of their scheme for the dismemberment of this Confederacy and the 
erection of a separate Republic, it would be a matter of very little 
consequence whether Mr. Breckinridge was elected or not. (Con¬ 
tinued cheering.) They would rather have Kentucky for their ally 
than Mr» Breckinridge for their President. (Increased applause.) 
There is no disunionist in the South who would not make that 
choice. I fear this. I am a Union man, and particularly jealous 
of everything that threatens the existence of the Union. 

Every one of you, I trust, remembers the farewell address of 
George Washington. Upon the first dawning of anything like an 
attempt to alienate one portion of the country from another, he 
tells us to frown indignantly upon it, and upon the man who shall 
attempt even to impair the ties which bind us together as one peo¬ 
ple, and to be zealous and watchful of the Union as the great palla¬ 
dium of our rights. The ground of these suspicions and apprehen¬ 
sions is more clearly discerned every w’eek. I believe it is my duty 
to have a zealous regard for the safety and preservation of my country 
and this Union, which I take to be one and the same thing. (Ap- * 
plause.) Old Kentucky has ever been the strongest supporter of 
this Union, and under no circumstances, I trust, Vill she ever be 
seduced from that high character. She is, sprung of a noble race, 
directly from the Revolution that established American liberty! 
(Applause.) Our soldiers, fresh from the field of war with Great 
Britain, and immediately after the establishment of independence, 
sought in this section that bounty land which was all their country had 
to give in return for their deathless services. Shall we, their children, 
pull down the work of our fathers with our own sacreligious hands, or 
see it torn down by others? If an English, a French, a Russian, or 


11 


any foreign foe should contemplate the tearing down of this gov ern- 
ment, would you not shed the last drop of your heart’s bloo d in 
defence of your noble birth-right? Shall we stod by and see the 
same thing contemplated, the same work done by our own coun try- 
meni’ Will you stand by and witness that horrid act perform ed? 
Will you allow yourselves to be driven in, or drawn in as accompli ces 
to such an ignominious act? ISTo. Unless Kentuckians have chan ged 
their blood, and changed their natures, no such thing can take place. 
(Repeated applause.) 

Fellow-citizens, I think no candid man, upon a fair review of all 
these parties, and their candidates, and of the vital consequences of 
the election of one or the other of them, will hesitate to say, that 
prudence, patriotism, and reason all say, take for your Chief Magis¬ 
trate John Bell. I hope that will be your judgment; I rejoice to 
see and understand that it is so. 

We have the greatest country upon the face of the earth. Let 
not our minds be so distracted by mere party strife and confusion, 
that we shall see our government fall to pieces before our eyes, and 
sacrifice our country to our party, instead of being ready at all time s 
to sacrifice our party to our country. After we become the slav e 
of party, we dare not, in the presence of any danger to the country, 
turn our backs to our parties and say, we have a country that d e- 
mands our services, and to it will we give them. Are we now 
iunable to do this? Have we lost this spirit; has it gone from amon g 

.IS? 

Providence has given this great country to us. Our wise and 
^aliant forefathers gave us liberty, and established a government 
or us. Let us take care of it—take care of the Constitution and 
he Union. (Applause.) That is all we require. We have before 
us the prospect of a glory unknown to other nations—a prospect in 
vhich our land will become the glory of the earth. Keither Rome, 
uior any of the great empires of antiquity, or of modern times, can 
"compare with wh^t we shall be at no distant day. We are now 
fthirty millions strong; yet we have been but eighty years in ex- 
I’istence as a free nation. From the year 1776 down to the present 
i,time, God Almight}^ has blessed us above all other people, and all 
1 other nations. Where shall we be thirty years hence, if such 
prosperity attends us? A great nation of one hundred million souls, 
with not enough then to develop all our resources. Every man free 
. to think, free to speak, free to act, free to work. What must this 
mighty freedom produce with this mighty concurrence of hearts, of 
heads, of hands! What navies, what armies, what cities! Let us 
lift ourselves to the contemplation of what our children will be. 
Shall we not leave them a legacy as great as that our fathers left 
us? Let the contemplation of the mighty destinies involved in our 
Confederacy, engage us until we absorb the genius of this Republic 
and its Constitution. Let it enter into all our motives of public 
action, that we may no longer be the tools and slaves of parties, of 
party platforms, and of party conventions. 

I do not intend to disparage any party in particular, but have not 



12 


your parties and platforms limited the freedorn and independence 
of your intellect and your action? If you are told the convention 
has done so and so,*tliat points are settled by the Democratic Con¬ 
vention held at Cincinnati or Charleston, do not you, mj^ Democratic 
friends, hesitate to express the judgment you had formed, do you 
not hesitate even to think in opposition to party dogmas? This 
slavery of intellect is in a fearful measure degrading. Without 
tangible authority, it binds by some mysterious influence you heart, 
your head, and your conscience. The “regular nominees,” the 
“regular platform ”—these are considered as of authority; they have 
a talismanic influence. You know not whether these conventions 
to whose rod you humbly submit yourselves, were composed of 
patriots, pondering the good of the commonwealth, or of knaves, 
consulting the best policy of robbing it. When we forget our 
country, and disobey our constitution, we listen to the summons of : 
part 3 ^ I do not object to party, and the questions of party, so long 
as they seek to establish no exclusive dominion over the actions and i 
opinions of men, and so long as they leave the people free in the 
exercise of their judgments. But when we doubt, when we think 
we see our party is leading us wrong, and that there is a better wa}^ 
to serve our countiy, every man then ought to have integrity, and 
heart, and patriotism, and independence enough to act for his country 
and not for his party. He was made for his country, and let him I 
serve it. His party may be forgotten to-morrow—his country will ; 
be remembered forever. (Great applause.) The services he renders 
his country will be recorded in histor\^; the services he renders his 
party will be forgotten and trampled in the dust. In the services i 
we render our country, we fulfill the obligations placed upon us by j 
our Maker. The obligation we owe to our father and our mother | 
is a sacred one, but not more sacred than that we owe to our country. I 
Our services to party may be recorded in petty politics. The services 
rendered by this man, or that man, may be cast up hereafter, and I 
the aggregate sum found to amount to the value of a little post office. \\ 
Are these motives and considerations worthy of Kentuckians? It | 
is no course of action for you. If I want to appeal to a Kentuckian, 

I appeal to his home and to his integrity. (Cheers.) These belong I 
to him as a birthright, as an inheritance from his fatlie’r and his ' 
mother. This government was nourished with the blood of the 
one, and watered with the tears of the other. It cost your mothers 
more tears than it did your fathers drops of blood to establish this 
government. It is the recollection of those days which must enter ' 
into your nature in order to enable you to fulfill your duty to your 
country. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I don’t pretend to trace the history of these 
parties very particularly. I appeal to your general knowledge of 
the case. I have occupied you already longer than I purposed 
doing, and 3 ^et there is one point upon which'l would say a word. 

It is objected to this National, this Constitutional Union party, that 
it has no platform. I have casually remarked upon platforms before.’ 
The want of a platform is the recommendation of our party. I do 


6 

Q 


13 


not want a party that will cheat. I want not to set up any painted 
, party to attract the people to it by its brilliancy of coloring. The 
e soul of our party is expressed in the simple hut grand words: 

“ The Union, the Constitution, and the ^Enforcement of the LawsU 
8 (Cheers.) What do you want more ! Out of the grand principles 
t thus announced you may make as many platforms as you please, 
t, Does not this include everything ? If the Union is preserved, if the 
6 ' Constitution is observed, if the laws passed by our legislatures are 
e enforced, what more has any citizen a right to ask? Will not his 
3 property, whether it consists of slaves or other things, be protected 
1 if the la^vs are enforced ? Here is everything you want, expressed 
V not in the gaudy and ostentatious language of parties, but in the 
r simple language of truth. Its very simplicity is its recommenda- 
f tiou. It is naked truth in its naked majesty. This is the attraction 
'{\ it has for me, and I trust for you, and for all the people of these 
Ij States. I want to see one man elected President who, when he 
0 comes to take Ihs seat, will have no platform chains upon his wrists 
f and about his neck. But do Presidents mind platforms, if they are 
not agreeable to them? No. As soon as they get power in their 
1 hands, platforms are forgotten; this is ordinarily the case. Let 
’ there, then, be no*disputing about this feature of the Union party. 

, ! I want a President elected upon the Constitution; a bold man, who 
[( will not fear to perform his duty; a man who cannot be scared; a 
u man who loves the Union, the whole Union, and will stand by it 
Hand consider it his sacred duty to protect or perish with it. (Ap- 
sj plause.) 

; ^ I know there are those who speculate upon the speedy dissolution 
rl of the Union, but they are self-conceited men, unfaithful in their 
. I natures, and unfaithful to the great government of which they ought 
ii to be proud. They speculate about the destruction of what is as 

I firm and deep as our mountains, and I hope and believe will last 
about as long. (Applause.) I glory in the thought of leaving to 
my children and my countrymen .so great and grand a country as 
lis this. (Applause.) 

Is it not surprising, when the great questions of the advancement 
of our country by the culture of its citizens, the dissemination of 
intelligence, and the improvement of our social condition should 
engage us, that a great body of the people are engaged in quarrell¬ 
ing about the little questions of “intervention” and “non-inter- 
tion ” in the Territories? 

\ I believe the question is mentioned in all the party platforms. I 
have a natural aversion to platforms. I hardly ever read a platform 
in my life, and, when I did, tried to forget it as soon as possible. 
The Constitution is platform enough for me. The Constitution 
and a man to represent the people is all the platform that will ever 
avail us. This question, about which the Democratic party is quar¬ 
relling, as I before remarked, is one of the most minute and unim¬ 
portant questions that can well be imagined. Mr. Douglas says, in 
substance, that when you have passed a law establishing a Territo¬ 
rial government, when you have delegated to the people the power 
to regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, you 




14 


have given them power over every subject, as far as you can give 
it. As for the slavery question, every man has a right to go there 
with his slaves, but how they must be treated will depend upon the 
discretion of the Territorial Legislature. It is good policy to leave 
it to them, for if the nation interfere, its transactions will then be¬ 
come national; it attracts the attention of the whole people; it 
arouses a national controversy. You want to keep the question of 
slavery out of Congress; you want to keep it in the Territories, and | 
leave the question there to be settled by Territorial government 
itself. It is a government not designed to last long; a few years 
will convert it into a State. It is better to confine the question to 
these local fields than to convulse the nation with it. It is better |! 
to bear the ills that may arise there than flee to greater nationj I 
ones we know not of. (Applause.) j' 

The other side says: But Congress shall interfere; Congres ; 
shall pass laws specially taking the question out of the hands of th 
Territorial Legislature : it shall pass laws for the protection of spc^> 1 
cial property, laws that are to apply only in our Territories. { 

This dispute relates entirely to territorial slavery and to territou t 
rial remedies. Does it occur to you, that, under the existing cir¬ 
cumstances, it makes much difference practically whether Congres i j 
shall interfere or whether Congress shall leave it to the Legislature * 
In Congress this session, where we passed resolutions avowing ou:, ; 
mere power over slavery, it was asked, is it necessary now for Con- ! 
gress to interfere ? There was no case calling for the interference: j 
of- such power by special legislation, hlo Senator would take upon; | 
himself the responsibility of proposing any such case, except one. 

I believe, who ventured to say he thought there was occasion. 
Southern Senators agreed that there was no cause now existing 
upon which they would advise legislation; and yet we are quarrel-t¬ 
ing about the degree of power which is to be exfercised by Con-: 
gress, not with respect to any Territories which we now have, but. ! 
in relation to a case that may arise in some future Territory. ISToner j 
is anticipated in any Territory which we now have to fill. To make; i 
it a practical question you have to suppose a future territory of a | 
character to attract slavery; that there shall be an emigration of': 
slaveholders to it; that the Territorial Legislature which assumes i 
to deal with property has committed a flagrant outrage; and that 
the individual has called upon Congress. These contingencies ? 
must all combine, and then and then only do these learned and 
fierce disputants insist upon the exercise of power by Congress. i 
We have no Territory where such a question can arise. We have ! 
not now a single piece of Territory to which slavery would go if it i 
were invited. Why then dispute about a possibility that will ( 
probably never arise*. They are so impatient with having nothing | 
to do, that they fall to quarreling about what lies in dim futurity, , 
and by speculation raise up in a spirit of discord a possible question 8 
which may occur twenty, fifty, or a hundred years hence, or that } 
may never occur. They remind me of a story I once heard: Two 
Italians were walking out together on a bright midsummer night. 





15 


One looked up to the heavens, thick with innumerable stars, and 
exclaimed: “ 0, that I had a farm as spacious as the heavens ; that 
would be an estate worth having.” His companion exclaimed: 

0, that I had a herd as numerous as the stars above.” ‘‘Well,” 
said the other, “in the name of heaven, what wolild you do with 
such an enormous herd ? ” “ Why, said he, “ I wmuld turn them 

on to your farm.” (Laughter.) “You would, aye,” sneered the 
other. “ Yes, wdiat else could I do with them ? ” XJpon that they 
quarreled and fought for an hour. (Great laughter.) How, it does 
seem to me that we are about to make out just such a moonshine 
sort of case. (Continued laughter.) 

But it is said Mr. Lincoln’s election will consummate the disso¬ 
lution of the Union—that he will not be permitted to take his seat! 
How is that ? If a man is elected to the Legislature by a majority 
of the people in a fair and legal way, though you voted against him, 
won’t you say he is entitled to his seat? Would ybu not consider 
the power very arbitrary that would undertake to keep him out of 
his office ? You have a right to elect him or anybody else; and, if 
a man is constitutionally elected President of the United States, 
shall a minority of the people start up and say, “We will make a 
revolution : this man shall not be President of the United States; 
we will by force of arms resist it and drive him out ? ” Is not that 
a destruction of all government ? The majority must of necessity 
rule in all republics, and if you do not like the law of the majority, 
set aside all free government, and go to some place where you will 
have no elections, where hereditary rulers shall take the place of 
your elective government. Who will say that if Mr. Lincoln or 
anybody else is constitutionally elected to the Chief Magistracy he 
shall not take his seat? Have we come to this? If so, let us 
change the whole government, aud let the minority rule, though 
even then would not the majority men object to the election of a 
man by the minority ? 

The Constitution provided that the term of the President should 
be comparatively short—but four years—thinking that now and 
then a dangerous man might be elected, but that he could not, with 
all the guards that Congress set up around him, in the short space 
of four years, do much to undermine and destroy the liberties of 
the people. Shall we now introduce the principle of anarchy, and 
say the man elected who does not please us (the minority) shall not 
take his seat? Would not there be time, when he misgoverns, to 
call him to account, according to the constitutional forms provided 
for such cases ? 

It is upon great principles that governments depend, and these 
great principles must bear a relationship to you. They must be 
recognized or you have no government at all—nothing but anarchy. 

If you expect your government to be perfect and glide on with¬ 
out disturbance, you will be deceived. You must expect occasion¬ 
ally to have your mal-administration and bad government. But if 
this government in the main advances your social condition, secures 
your peace, adds to your greatness, it is a good government; aud 



16 


especially, above all things, if it shall preserve your liberties and 
your rights, it is a government worthy of your support and protec¬ 
tion. (Applause.) 

blow, fellow-citizens, I owe you my thanks for your attention 
to my desultory'remarks. And you, ladies, I am glad to see mingle 
in counsel, and, while securing order and decorum by your presence, 
add the purity of sentiment which lovely woman must ever inspire. 
(Applause.) In your hands rest great interests. If you cannot be 
Presidents, your sons and your brothers can be; and, at last, whether 
in or out of office, you govern us all. (Great applause.) 

I have only to say once more, gentlemen, that you have but a 
simple task to perform. Yet it is a task for men. It is a task 
which requires courage, which requires independence. It is to take 
care of the Union, the Constitution, and the Laws. Take care of 
these, and be assured they will take care of you. Your safety lies 
in the performance of that one little act. 

Price of this Speech $1.25 per 100. 

Please circulate. 


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